የኬንያው ምርጫ ምን ትምህርት ሰጠን?
ኩችዬ - January 10, 2008
kuchiye@gmail.com

በትናንትናው ዕለት “ዊልሰን ሴንተር” እና “ሴንተር ፎር ስትራቴጅክ ስተዲስ” የተባሉ ታዋቂ የምርምር ተቋሞች በተጭበረበረው የኬንያ ምርጫ ላይ ልዩ አውደ-ጥናት አካሂደው ነበር። ዋሺንግተን ዲሲ ሬጋን ማዕከል በተካሄደው በዚህ ዝግጅት ላይ በተንታኝነት የቀረቡት ግለሰቦች የዕውቀትና የልምድ አድማስ ከመቀመጫ ኖር ያሰኛል።

አምባሳደር ጆኒ ካርሰን (አሜሪካዊ፤ የናሺናል ኢንቴሊጀንስ ካውንስል የአፍሪካ ባለሙያና የረጅም ዘመን ዲፕሎማት)፤ ዶ/ር ጆል ባርካን (አሜሪካዊ፤ ፕሮፌሰር ኤሜሪቲዩስ፤ የዴሞክራታይዜሽንና የመልካም አስተዳደር ምሁር፤ የአፍሪካ ኤክስፐርት)፤ ዶ/ር ሴለስተስ ጁማ(ኬንያዊ፤ በሃርቫርድ ዩኒቨርሲቲ የዓለም አቀፍ ልማት ምሁርና የሳይንስና ቴክኖሎግይ ዳይሬክተር)፤ ዶ/ር ሚይና ካይ፤ (የኬንያ ሰብአዊ መብት ሊቀመንበርና የሃርቫርድ ምሩቅ) ስቴፈን ዴዋ (ኬንያዊ፤ በዩሲኤልኤ ስኮላር፤ በዓለም ባንክ የመልካም አስተዳደር ምሁር..)። በስብሰባው ላይ የተጋበዙት እንግዶችም በዓለም አቀፍ ግንኙነት፤ በደህንነትና በልማት ጥልቅ ዕውቀትና ልምድ ያላቸው ነበሩ።

ይህን እንደመደርደሪያ አጣቀስኩት እንጅ ዓላማዬ በጉባኤው ላይ ከተነሱት ቂምነገሮች መሀከል ይጠቅማሉና ልናገናዝባቸው ይገባል ብየ የገመትኳቸውን ለናንተ ለማካፈል ነው። ሀተታ ላለማብዛት ባጫጭሩ እደረድራቸዋለሁ። የግል አስተያየቴን አልጨመርኩም፤ እንደወረደ አቅርቤዋለሁ ማለቴ ነው ባዲሳባዎቹ ቡና ወዳጆች ቋንቋ።

ይህን ያውቁ ኖሯል?
ኬንያ በአፍሪካ 5ኛዋ ትልቅ ኤኮኖሚ ናት፤ የዘይትና የሚነራል ሃብት ስሌቱ ውስጥ ካልገባ 1ኛ ትሆናለች ይባላል። ከብሔራዊ ገቢዋ 60% ያህሉ የሚመነጨው ከናይሮቢና አካባቢው ነው፤ 1ኛ የውጭ ምንዛሪ አስገቢ እንደሚታሰበው ቱሪዝም ሳይሆን ውጭ ከሚኖሩ ኬንያውያን የሚላክ ገንዘብ ነው፤ የውጭ ርዳታና ብድር ከኬንያን ብሔራዊ ገቢ 5% ያህል ነውና ኃያላን መንግሥታት ኬንያ ላይ ተጽዕኖ የማድረግ አቅማቸው የፈረጠመ አይደለም፤ ከ40 በላይ ጎሳዎች ሲኖሩ ታላላቆቹ ኪኩዩና ሉዎ ናቸው፤ ። ኬንያ መልካም የዴሞክራሲ ባህል የገነባችና መረጋጋት የሰፈነባት ተብላ ስለምትቆጠር በአካባቢው ዋነኛ ያሜሪካ ሽሪክን የዲሞክራሲ ቤተ-ሙከራ ናት።

የሰሞኑ (2008) ምርጫ።
ኬንያ ባለፉት 20 ዓመታት እየተሻሻለ የመጣ 3 ምርጫዎች አካሂዳ ነበር። የሰሞኑ ምርጫ ከመካሄዱ በፊትም ሁኔታዎች ተመቻችተዋል። (42 ነጻ ኤፍ ኤም ሬዲዮ ጣቢያዎች፤ 3 ነጻ ቲቪ፤ በርካታ ሲቪል ሶሳይቲዎች፤ የሰለጠኑ የምርጫ ቦርድ ሠራተኞች ወዘተ…)። እነዚህ ሁሉ የሚያመለክቱት ዴሞክራሲን ለማራመድ የበሰለ አየር እንደነበረ ነው። የአውሮፓ ማሕበር ብቻ 30 ቋሚና 90 ያጭር ጊዜ ታዛቢ አሰማርቷል።

ታያዲያ ምን ተፈጠረ?
በኬንያ ማህበረሰብ ውስጥ ውጥረቶችና ብሶቶች ሲከማቹ ቆይተዋል። (ባለውና በሌለው መሃከል የሚታየው ልዩነት፤ በክፍለሃገሮች መሃከል የተዛባ ልማት መኖሩ፤ በጎሳዎች መሃከል የሃብት አለመተካከል መስፈኑ፤ ባዲሱ ትውልድና በቆየው ትውልድ መሃከል የራእይ ልዩነት መኖሩና የመሳሰሉት)። ምርጫ ጣቢያዎቹ ከ6 ኤኤም እስከ 5 ፒኤም ተከፍተው ታዛቢዎች ባሉበት ቆጠራው ተጠናቀቀና ሣጥኖቹ እየታሸጉ ወደ ናይሮቢ ምርጫ ቦርድ ዋና መ/ቤት ተላኩ። ተወዳዳሪው ኦሬንጅ ዴሞክራቲክ ፓርቲ እንዳሸነፈ መርጠው በሚወጡ ዜጎች ቃለመጠይቅ እየተረጋገጠ መጣ። ይህም በሁለቱ ፓርቲዎች ደጋፊዎች አካባቢ ጭንቀትና መፋጠጥን እያስከተለ ሄደ። በቦርዱ ዋና ጽ/ቤት በተካሄደው ቆጠራ ኦዲንጋ በ320 000 ድምጽ እንደሚበልጡ የተረጋገጠ ቢሆንም የቦርዱ ሃላፊ ቤተመንግሥት ተጠርተው ኪባኪ አሸንፏል የሚል መግለጫ አውጣ ተብለው በደረስባቸው ማስፈራራት መግለጫውን አወጡ። ኺባኪም በይድረስ ይድረስ ፕሬዚዳንት ነኝ ብለው መሃላ ፈጸሙ።

የምርጫው መጭበርበር ያስከተለው መዘዝ።
በመንግሥትና በምርጫ ቦርዱ ላይ የነበረው ጥርጣሬ እየገነነ መጣና በመላ ኬንያ ሕዝባዊ አመጽ ተቀሰቀሰ። እስካሁን ከ 500 በላይ ህይወት የጠፋ ሲሆን በሁለት ሳምንታት ብቻ ኤኮኖሚው ላይ 1 ቢሊዮን ዶላር ኪሳራ ደርሷል፤ ይህም የኬንያ ኤኮኖሚ የቱን ያህል የዳበረ እንደሆነ ያመለክታል። ከሁሉም በላይ ግን አሳሳቢ የሆነው በዲሞክራሲ ግንባታ ጥረት ላይ፤ በኬንያ ሕዝብ መሃከል የፈጠረው ጠባሳ ነው። ሦስት ዓይነት የግድያ ወንጀሎች ታይተው ነበር… (ሀ) የግለሰቦች (ለ) በሚሊሺያ ዓይነት የተሰባሰቡ) (ሐ) የመንግሥት ወታደሮች በማናለብኝነት ግንባር ላይ በማነጣጠር የገደሏቸው

ምን መደረግ አለበት? ምሁራኑ ያቀረቧቸውን መፍትሔዎችና ያሰመሩባቸውን ቁምነገራም ነጥቦች ያለ ቅደም ተከተል አካፍላችኋለሁ።

• ምርጫው አወዛጋቢና ከፍተኛ ውድድር የሚታይበት እንደሚሆን ከወዲሁ የታወቀ ቢሆንም ሁኔታውን የሚመጥን መከላከያ አልተደረገበትም
• ወቅታዊው ጥያቄ የምርጫው አወዛጋቢነት ቢሆንም ለንዲህ ዓይነት ችግር መንገድ የሚከፍቱትን መሠረታዊ ችግሮች ምንጭ ለይቶ ማወቅና ማስተካከል ወሳኝነት አለው
  ሀ. “መንግሥት” የሚባለው ጽንሰ ሃሳብ በአፍሪካና በሌሎች ኋላ ቀር አገሮች ፈላጭ ቆራጭና የበላይ ሆኖ የመታየቱ ጉዳይ አሳሳቢ ነው። ይህ በጅጉ መለወጥ አለበት።
  ለ. ፕሬዚዳንት ወንም ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር የሚባለው ጽንሰ ሃሳብም ዘውድ መጫን ቀረው እንጅ በአፍሪካ “ግርማዊ ፕሬዚዳንት” ወይም “ግርማዊ ጠቅላይ ሚንስትር” የመባል ያህል ሥልጣን አለው። ይህ ሥልጣን በጅጉ መከርከምና ከሕግ አውጭውና ከፓርላማው ጋር መተካከል አለበት
• የምርጫ ክልሎች (ብሎክስ) የጎሳ አሰፋፈር መሥመርን እንዲከተሉ መደረጋቸው ለግጭትና ለጎሳ ስሜት መቀስቀስ ሰብብ ሆኗል። ይህም አደገኛ አዝማሚያ መለወጥ አለበት
• በጥቅም መተሳሰርና ጉቦኝነት የዴሞክራሲና የብሔርዊ ስምምነት መፈጠር ጠንቅ ናቸው።
• የ2008 ቀውሶች የ2003 ምርጫ ውድቀቶች ቅጥያ ናቸው። አረም በወቅቱ ካልታረመ ለተደጋጋሚ ጥፋት መዳረጉን የምርጫው ውዝግብ አንድ ምስክር ነው
• የመደራደርና ሁሉም አሸናፊ የሚሆንበት የስምምነት ባህል መዳበር ትልቁ ፈተና ነው። አክራሪዎችና ግትሮች ዋና የዕድገት ፀሮች ለመሆናቸው ተደጋግሞ ተረጋግጧል
• የአሸናፊ-ተሸናፊ ቀመር ኋላ ቀር ነው። በምርጫ የተሸነፈውን “ለፍርድ ይቅረብ” እያሉ የማላዘን ባህል ፈጽሞ መጥፋት አለበት። ሲሸነፉ ሥልጣን አንለቅም የሚሉትም ለዚህ ይሆናልና። የተሸነፈው ቡድን 40% ያህል ደጋፊ ቢኖረው እንኳ ትልቅ መሰናክልና መዘዝ ሊያስከትል መቻሉን ልብ ብለን ተገቢውን ክብር እዲያገኝ ማድረግ ብልህነት ነው
• ፓርቲዎች የጎሳዊ እንቅስቃሴ መደበቂያ እንዳይሆኑና ብሔራዊ አንድነትን እንዳይጻረሩ ነቅቶ መከላከል ይገባል
• የቡድን ምብት የግለሰብ መብትን ያህል ትኩረት ያግኝ። ያፈጠጠ ችግራችን ነውና
• በሁለቱም ፓርቲዎች ውስጥ ያሉ አክራሪዎች ለኬንያ ችግር መነሻ ሆነዋል። አብዛኞቹ ውጭ አገር ብዙ ጥቅም ስላላቸው ዓለም አቀፍ ሕብረተሰብ በሩን ሊዘጋባቸውና የጉዞ ማዕቀብ ሊያደርግባቸው ይገባል።
• ተመራጮችና ሹሞች ከባህላዊው “የበላይ ጠባቂነት” (ፓትሪያርካል) አመለካከት መላቀቅ አለባቸው። ያለችሎታውና ያለሚዛናዊነት ወገን የማሰባሰብ ኋላ ቀር ባህል ይቅር
• ሕገ መንግሥቱ በቅኝ ገዥዎች ታሪክና በመሬት ይዞታ ላይ ያተኮረ ነው። የኢዱስትሪ የንግድና የሃያ አንደኛው ክፍለዘመን ቅኝት እንዲኖረው ሆኖ ሊስተካከል ይገባል።
• “ሮል ሞዴል” መምረጥ ተገቢ ነው። ማሌዚያ የጎሳ ችግሯን ሁሉን በሚያቅፍና ዘመናዊ የኤኮኖሚ ሞዴል ፈታች። ብራዚል ናይጀሪያና ሌሎችም ምሳሌ ይሆናሉ። ቁምነገሩ ከጎሳ ባሻገር አዲስ ተስፋ የሚሰጥ የወጣቱንና የሥራ አጥነትን ችግርና በንግድና በኢንዱስትሪ ዙሪያ የሚያሰባስብ ሞዴል መፍጠር ላይ ነው።
• በክልሎች መሀከል ያለውን ልዩነት ማባባስ ሳይሆን ማደብዘዝና ማጥፋት ላይ እናተኩር
• በትውልዶች መሀከልም ያስተሳስብና የራዕይ አለመጣጣም አለና ይህም መገናዘብ አለበት። ከ25-40 ያለው ትውልድ ከታላላቆቹ ይልቅ የተማረና ሕይወቱን በትጋት ለመለወጥ የሚጓጓ መሆኑ አይዘንጋ። ወጣቱ በለጋነቱ የቤተሰብ ሀላፊ እየሆነ ስለመጣ እንዲያውም የምርጫ እድሜን ዝቅ ማድረግ ተገቢ ይሆናል።
• የዲያስፖራው ኬንያዊ የገንዘብና የዕውቀት ምንጭ መሆኑ ቢታወቅም አገር ውስጥ የተፈጠረውን ችግር በተመለከተ የጎሳ ስሜት ከሚያባብሱ ኢሜይሎችና ጽሁፎች ይቆጠብ
• ሚዲያው ሁለት ስለት ያለው ጎራዴ ነው። ችግርን በማባባስ ረገድ አስተዋጻኦ ሊያደርግ ቢችልም መዘጋቱ ይበልጥ አደገኛ ነው። ርዎንዳ ውስጥ ነጻ ፕሬስ ሲጠፋና የርስ በርስ ጦርነት ሲጀመር ሕዝቡን ማስተማሪያ መገናኛ ጠፋና ሚሊዮኖች አለቁ
• ዴሞክራሲ የሁለት ርምጃ ወደፊት የአንድ ወደኋላ ውጤት መሆኑ አያከራክርም። በየትኛውም አገር ታሪክ ማለት ነው። ስለሆነም የኬንያው ችግር ተስፋ-ቢስ ሊያደርገን አይገባም። ተመሳሳይ ችግር በኢትዮጵያም በናይጀሪያም በሌሎችም ታይቷል። እንዲያውም በኬንያ 20 ዓመት ያህል የተካሄደው ሠላማዊ የዴሞክራሲ ግንባታ ለኬንያም ላፍሪካም ትልቅ ምሳሌነት አለው።
• ለኬንያው ችግር መፍትሔ ስንሻ እስካሁን የነበረውን ዘመን “የመጀመሪያው ሪፐብሊክ” ብለን መዝጋት እንችላለን። የቀሰምናቸውን ልምዶች መሠረት አድርገን ሁለተኛውን የኬንያ ሪፐብሊክ እንጀምራለን።
• የመጀመሪያው ተግባራችን አክራሪ አቋሞችን መወርወርና ለሕዝብና ለብሔራዊ አንድነት ሲባል ቀና ድርድር ማካሄድ ነው። ለዚህ ደግሞ ኬንያውያንና ዓለም አቀፉ ሕብረተሰብ በእምቢተኞች ላይ ግፊት ማድረግ አለባቸው።
• የረብሻ አለመኖር የመረጋጋትና የሠላም መስፈን ምልክት አለመሆኑን አንዘንጋ። ችግሮች ላይ በቅድሚያ መዝመትና ቅራኔዎችን ከወዲሁ መፍታት ትልቁ ብልህነት ነው።
  
  ማሳሰቢያ፡
  የኬንያው ችግር ለኢትዮጵያውያን ችግራቸው ነውና ሊያሳስበንም በተቻለ መጠን ርዳታ ልናደርግበትም የሚገባ ነው። ኬንያ የሚገኘው መፍትሔም ለሀገራችን ምሳሌነት አለውና በቅርብ ልንከ

የቅንጅት መሪዎች የሚመለሱት በፍቅር ወደተሞላው የወገናቸው እቅፍ ውስጥ ነው!

የ 97 ምርጫ ይዞት ከመጣው ተስፋም ሆነ ካስከተለው ፀፀት ያልተማረ የለም ቢባል ስህተት አይሆንም። “ፕሮግራሜ በመላው ኢትዮጵያ ተቀባይነት አለው፤ ለሕዝብና ከሕዝብ ጋር የቆምኩ ነኝና ምርጫ ቢከናወን በአሸናፊነት እወጣለሁ” ብሎ ያስብ ከነበረው ከኢሕአዴግ የበለጠ ከዕንቅልፍ የሚገፈትር ማንቂያ አግኝቷል። ለዚህም ነበር በምርጫው የደረሰበትን ኪሳራ ለመገምገም ካድሬዎቹን፤ የደህንነት ሠራተኞቹንና ሌሎች በመላ ሀገሪቱ የበተናቸውን ባለዳረጎቶች በምርጫው ማግሥት ሰብስቦ ማፋጠጥ የጀመረው። በዚያው ሰሞን በየወረዳውና በየነጥብ ጣቢያው ሳይቀር ሕዝቡን ሰብስቦ “ምን በድለናችሁ ነው እንዲህ የገፋችሁን?” እያለ ተማጸነ። ገበሬውና ነጋዴው፤ ተማሪውና አስተማሪው፤ ከተሜውና ገጠሬው ብሶታቸውን ባንድ ድምጽ አሰሙ…..

“ሕዝብን የመለያየት ፖለቲካችሁን አቁሙ!”
“ያንድ ወገንን የበላይነት በሌሎች ላይ ለመጫን የምትፈጽሙት ዓይን ያወጣ ነውር ያብቃ!”
“ካድሬዎቻችሁ ወታደሮቻችሁና ሹሞቻችሁ የሚያደርሱት ወከባ ኢትዮጵያዊነታችንን አጠራጥሮናል!”
“መሬትን የፖለቲካ መሣሪያ አታድርጉ!”
“ሰብአዊና ዴሞክራሲያዊ መብቶቻችን ይከበሩ”
“ነጻ ፍርድ ቤቶች፤ ነጻ ምርጫ ቦርድ፤ ነጻ ሠራዊት፤ ነጻ ፕሬስ… !” ወዘተ

ገዥው ፓርቲ እነዚህን የሕዝብ ቅሬታዎች አላዳመጠም ማለትና ግዙፍ ስህተቶች መፈጸሙ አልረበሸውም ማለት ጭራሹን ማሰቢያ አዕምሮ አልፈጠረበትም ማለት ይሆናልና እዚያ ድረስ መሄድ ስህተት ነው። ጥያቄው መሆን ያለበት በስህተቶቹ ላይ የርምት ርምጃ ለመውሰድ የሚያስችል ሃቀኛነት፤ ወኔና የፖለቲካ ብስለት አለው የለውም ከሚለው ላይ ነው። የታሪክን ማህደር ስንመረምር በመሣሪያ ኃይል ሥልጣን ከያዙ በኋላ ከስህተታቸው ተምረው ለዴሞክራሲ ጥርጊያ መንገድ የከፈቱ ጥቂቶች ናቸው። እነዚህ ወገኖች ራሳቸውን የማታለል አባዜና “ሁሉም አልጋ ባልጋ ነው” የማለት በሽታ ያጠቃቸዋል። ኢሕአዴግ ለዲሞክራሲ ጥርጊያ ከከፈቱት የታሪክ ክበብ ውስጥ የመመደብ ዕድል እንዲገጥመው የማይመኝ ያለ አይመስለኝም። እስከዚያው ግን መንግሥት ከ 97 ምርጫ ተምሬ በተወካዮች ምክር ቤት፤ በምርጫ ቦርዱና በሌሎች ተቋሞች ውስጥ ማሻሻያ አድርጌአለሁ የሚላቸው ርምጃዎች እጅግ ቢበዛ የይስሙላ አለዚያም ማደናገሪያዎች ናቸው። የሚጠቅሳቸው ማሻሻያ ተብየዎች ቀናነት የሚጎድላቸው፤ በፈንጅ የታጠሩና የዴሞክራሲን እድገት ፈቀቅ እንኳ የማያደርጉ ናቸው።

ቅንጅትና መሪዎቹ የፍትህ እጦት ሰለባ ሆነው ለሁለት ዓመታት በእስር የተንገላቱት የሠላማዊ ትግል መርሆችን ተከትለው ዲሞክራሲን ለማምጣት ስለታገሉ ብቻ ነበር። መላ ቤተሰባቸውና መላው የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብም ከነርሱው ጋር ታስሮ ከነርሱ ጋር ተፈቷል ማለት ይቻላል። ራሱ ኢሕአዴግም ከህሊና እስር ለመውጣት ዕድል አግኝቷል ማለት ይቻላል።

የተከፈለው የሕይወት፤ የመንፈስና የማቴሪያል መስዋዕትነት ዋጋ የሚያገኘው በሀገራችን የሰፈነውን የውጥረትና የጥርጣሬ አየር አስወግደን የሚቀጥለውን የዲሞክራሲ ምዕራፍ በአዲስ ቀለም ለመጻፍ በቀና ልቦና መሥራት ስንጀምር ብቻ ነው። ለዚህ ደግሞ መነሻውም መድረሻውም በጠረጴዛ ዙሪያ የሚደረግ ስልጡን ፖለቲካ ነውና የስጋት፤ የበቀልና የጥላቻ መንፈስን ወርውረን ሁሉም አሸናፊ የሚሆንበትን የፖለቲካ ቀመር ማስላት አለብን። በሠላማዊ ትግል የምናምን ሁሉ ከዚህ ውጭ ፖለቲካ ሊታሰበን አይችልም። የሠላም አየርን ለሚማለድ ሕዝባችንም ሆነ በተደጋጋሚ ሰቆቃ ለተጎሳቆለች ውድ ሃገራችን ከዚህ የከበረ የሚሊኒየም ገጸበረከት ልንሰጣቸው አንችልም።

ምንጊዜም መዘንጋት የሌለብን ቁም ነገር ግን የዜጎችን መብት የሚያረጋግጥ መልካም አስተዳደር ከሌለ ብሔራዊ ደህንነት እንደማይኖር ነው። ለዚህ ደግሞ የመልካም አስተዳደር መሠረቶችን መገንባትና ማጠናከር አማራጭ የለውም። ከተጽእኖ ነጻ የሆኑ ፍርድቤቶች፤ ሕግ አውጭውና ሕግ አስፈጻሚው አንዱ ሌላውን የሚቆጣጠርበት ሥርዓት፤ የብዙሃን ፓርቲዎች መቋቋም፤ ሕገ መንግሥትን ማክበር፤ የንግግርና የመሰብሰብ ነጻነትን ማክበር፤ ዜጎች በሠላም ሠርተው የሚገቡበት፤ ብልጽግናና ደስታን የመሻት ተፈጥሮዋዊ ፍላጎታቸውን የሚያሟሉበት የፖለቲካ አየር መፍጠር ግዴታ ነው።

ቅንጅትና መሪዎቹ ከላይ የተጠቀሱትን ቋሚ እሴቶች ለመገንባት በሚደርግ ብሔራዊ ጥረት ውስጥ ከሁሉም ወገኖች ጋር ለመሥራት ቀና መንፈስ ብቻ ሳይሆን ቁርጠኛነቱም እንዳላቸው አስመስክረዋል። የትናንቱ ጥፋትና ጉስቁልና ከትምህርት ሰጭነቱ ባሻገር ሚዛን የሚደፋ ፋይዳ የለውምና ዞር ብለው ወደኋላ የማየትና የማላዘን ፍላጎት የላቸውም። ይህንንም ዋሺንግተን ዲሲ ሴፕቴምበር 16 ቀን 2007 ባደረጉት ሕዝባዊ ስብሰባ ላይ አረጋግጠዋል። የሃገራችን አጣዳፊ አጀንዳዎች መላ ጊዜያችንን፤ ጉልበታችንንና ዕውቀታችንን በዛሬው ችግሮቻችንና በነገው ብሩህ ተስፋችን ላይ እንድናተኩር የሚያስገድዱ ናቸው።

በአንጻሩ ደግሞ ኢሕአዴግ አንዳንድ መሰናክሎችን እዚህና እዚያ እየወረወረ፤ እርባና የሌላቸው የሕግና ያስተዳደር ሰበቦችን እየጠቀሰ የብዙ ሚሊዮኖችን ሠላማዊ ፓርቲ እንቅስቃሴ ለመግታት የሚያደርገው አሰልች እንካስላንቲያ ኢሕአዴግንም ሃገርንም እንደማይበጅ ከታሪክ ሊማር ይገባል።

የቅንጅት መሪዎች ዓለም አቀፍ ተልዕኳቸውን አጠናቀው ወደሃገራቸው እየተመለሱ ባሉበት በዚህ ሰሞን መንግሥት ለሰብአዊ መብትና ለዲሞክራሲ ግንባታ ያለው ተአማኒነት በገሃድ ይመዘናል። የቅንጅት መሪዎች የሚመለሱት ወደሞቀውና በፍቅር ወደተሞላው የወገናቸው እቅፍ ውስጥ ነው። የሚያራምዱት የሠላማዊ ትግል፤ የብሔራዊ እርቅና በመቻቻል ላይ የተመሠረተ ሁሉን-አቀፍ የዲሞክራሲና የግንባታ አጀንዳ ነው። የሚቀነስም የሚደመርም ስውር አጀንዳ የላቸውምና ኢሕአዴግ ቡናውን አሽትቶ በቀናው ጎዳና መጓዝን ይምረጥ እንላለን።

የኢትዮጵያ ትንሣኤ አሁን ነው!

kuchiye@gmail.com

"የሚሊኒየም በረከቴ!"

ይድረስ ባገር ፍቅር ለነደድከው
የወገን ትንሣዔን ለተማለድከው፤

“የዴሞክራሲ ፀዳሉን
የመብት ፀጋውን
ያንድነት ምልአቱን
የፍቅር ጽናቱን
ወገኔ ሳይጎናጸፍ
በልማት ጎዳን ሳይከንፍ
ቃል ኪዳኔን አላጥፍም!
የትውልድ አደራዬን
የሰብዕና ሚዛኔን”

ላልከው ለወጣቱ
ለተከበርክ አዛውንቱ
ይድረስህ መልካም ምኞቴ
የምዕተ ዓመት በረከቴ!

ኩችዬ

Why it is strenuous to be an EPRDF fan.
By Kuchiye – January 15, 2007
kuchiye@gmail.com

I consider myself fairly balanced in most aspects of human demeanor. Keeping an open mind, avoiding being judgmental, believing in the power of discourse, self respect, respect for the values of others, sensitivity to real or imagined fears– these, in no particular order, are among attributes I consider important in any decent human being and in contemporary Ethiopian politics. Divisiveness, rhetoric, mediocrity, lack of dignity, name calling, holier-than-thou posturing and win-lose prototypes are among my turn-offs.

Recently, I swung into one of those “self-assessment” moods and tried to seek the rationales that made me a Kinijit supporter www.ethiomedia.com/access/why_i_support_kinijit.html. Over the new-year weekend, I could not get over the persistent nagging of my conscience to continue with the “self-assessment” exercise. Hence, I began to reflect on why I find myself skeptical about EPRDF and why, indeed, the majority of Ethiopians find it strenuous to bring EPRDF into their fold. Here is what came out of my brain storming exercise:

EPRDF willingly landlocked the country and surrendered the right of 80 million people to access the sea. By admission of its top party brass, EPRDF forced EPLF to abandon the peace negotiation with the Derg government and facilitated Eritrea’s independence.
It surrendered the entire Eritrea only to turn around and fight an outdated trench war that claimed the lives of 70,000 citizens. This, over a piece of land that is of little consequence. In an even more perplexing saga, EPRDF surrendered sovereignty of that same piece of land to Eritrea - the Algiers Accord.

EPRDF exploits the ethnic differences of its people as a weapon of divide-and-rule. It cultivates mafia-type interest groups in regional administrations fully knowing that once these groups are entrenched, they will fight not for the people they are supposed to represent, but for the status-quo and for their circle of friends.

EPRDF dared to take a chance at democracy but lacked the wherewithal to accept the outcome. By so doing, it squandered an amazing legacy that would have gone EPRDF’s way. The killing of peaceful demonstrators, the mass arrests, the ban on independent media, are not exactly the types of incentives that inspire confidence and popular embrace.

EPRDF suffers from a clear case of paranoia. Therein might one find explanation for most of its shortcomings: political philosophy that is founded on ethnicism, propaganda strategy the boarders fear mongering, economic policy that endows the ruling party and its clique but denies the citizen, fear of creating political space to accommodate genuine opposition, habit of holding others accountable for its own ills.

For EPRDF, human and democratic rights are inconvenient truths that have to be recited on world political stages to satisfy the minimum requirement of donors. How else can one explain the absence of press freedom and the totally suffocating political climate Ethiopians are forced to live in? Isn’t this the reason also why Ethiopia is branded as one of the most press unfriendly countries in the world and a leading human rights violator?

Here comes my fairly balanced side. No doubt EPRDF inherited some of the country’s problems, but it was and still is in a historic position to mitigate them. No doubt, also, some progress is made in selected development endeavors, albeit in limited fashion. School enrolment, gross health coverage, road miles etc have improved in absolute terms but as measured by human development Index, which the UN says, is a broader definition of wellbeing, Ethiopia ranks 169th out of 177 countries.

The ultimate optimist in me says there is still time to right the wrong and to build a vitally necessary level of trust between all the parties who have vested interest in Ethiopia. If we dare to spell out what is important for each one of us and what we are fearful of, if we put down our guard and engage in decent discourse, if we show willingness to consider ways and remedies outside of our comfort zones, then we will no doubt be rewarded with a much needed breakthrough. Let’s try the wisdom of queen Sheba, the enormity of Yohannes, the benevolence of Menelik, the progressiveness of Haile Selasssie, the pride of Tona and Jifar, the cunning of Habte Georgis, the daring of Balcha and the humility of all our ancestors. What good is a generation that is not worth a legacy?




,

Why I chose to be a Kinijit supporter and why I will continue to be one.

Like any other decent citizen I have always taken interest in the affairs and wellbeing of my country. An article I contributed to my high school magazine some forty years ago advocated the cause of human right and democracy and reminded me of the awareness level we had attained at the time. Yes, we had school magazines back then, and yes the memory of the 1953 coup and the inspiration of people like Germame Neway on our generation were still fresh.

Decades have elapsed since the 1953 coup-de-tat and though I maintained some degree of interest in politics it was somewhat in disconnected fashion. Politics seemed unrelated to my way of life and political activity was the exclusive domain of scoundrels and cold- blooded murderers.

Then 2005 happened. The period leading to the 2005 election was laden with hope and excitement. It was unlike any other in our lifetime for it sucked the most skeptics out of self imposed exile and the most indifferent out of centuries old slumber. Ethiopians for the very first time started to believe democracy was possible and that governments can change through the power of the ballot. This shift in paradigm was the making of several phenomenons, both national and international. On the national level the government dared to take a chance at democracy and scored some credit for without some degree of goodwill the ball wouldn’t have started to roll as early as 2005. It mattered very little whether the motivation grew out of conviction, national or international pressure. The largest chunk of credit, however, goes to those Ethiopians who despite the associated fatal risk dared to take chances, formed political parties, sparked national debates and managed to glue an entire population to the TV set, the radio and newspapers. How could one ever forget several events of enormous political significance and words like “Tsunami” that became part of the Ethiopian vernacular?

That was when I also started to believe democracy was indeed possible and Ethiopians, who I believe are the most politicized humans in Africa, were behind this movement for real. In essence, I took the lead from the average Ethiopian. I lined up behind the “Yichalal” national wagon authored by no other than Haile Gebre Selasssie. Who could blame me for that? I can assure you my support for Kinijit did not spring out of a lottery draw or from previous association with its component parts which I had none. Due diligence was involved in my choice of Kinijit. Without going into what I do or do not like about the other parties, I will bullet my rationales for being a conscious Kinijit supporter and the basis for my continued support.

Kinijit is a decidedly multi-ethnic party. Take a look at the diversity of the leadership and the statistical result of the 2005 election which transcended ethnic and regional boundaries. No amount of negative propaganda aimed at portraying it as an ethnic party will change the fact.

Kinijit chose peaceful political struggle as the only salvation for a war and strife weary Ethiopia. Among other things, the path chosen considered the level of political consciousness in Ethiopia, the fragile nature of relationships and international political experiences.

Kinijit strongly believes Ethiopia’s democratic aspirations will forge ahead if and only if stake-holders breakout of their intransigent positions and discuss their visions and fears in a round table setting. Kinijit does not have enemies per se save bad ideas, as aptly put by its V/Chairperson Bertukan Mideksa.

Kinijit is unequivocal on an important core democratic value. Individual right forms the cornerstone of its political platform. A country that does not guarantee individual right cannot be trusted to provide group rights. This party is very much sensitive to the concerns of minority groups and is determined to put policy measures that will inspire confidence.

Kinijit subscribes to a market driven economy and recognizes individual ownership of land and capital as the engines that drive a vibrant economy and a great nation.

Kinijit is aware of Ethiopia’s current and evolving international responsibilities in a region that continues to originate numerous global challenges.

Kinijit does not believe in ethnic politics and submits that dividing regions along ethnic boundaries goes contrary to economic, social and international logic. Kinijit challenges the ruling party’s motive and is opposed to the policy as it restricts the unleashing of the full potential of human and national resources.

Kinijit is committed to the exercise of internal democracy as it, along with other parties, strives to cultivate democratic culture in Ethiopia.

Kinijit is a dynamic and vibrant organization, always cognizant of the ever changing nature of society, the changing priorities of our nation and of the world. It is adept and is determined not to fall prey to paradigm paralysis.

This, in short, is the Kinijit I chose to support and the basis of unwritten contract signed between the two of us. As a side note; I am not overly concerned about the current internal crisis for no organization worth its salt grows to be wiser and stronger without enduring growing pain.

Overdue homage to Mulatu Astake
Kuchiye: March 8, 2006
kuchiye@gmail.com

I grew up swinging to the tunes of Tilahun Gessesse, Alemayehu Eshete, and Bizuneh Bekele (as arranged by musical geniuses like Sahle Degago). The Degago era took strong elements of Ethiopian music and gave it international flavor; most notably far-eastern as the Imperial Guard was heavily influenced by far eastern music when it served in the Korean War.

The nature of the music in the 50s and 60s called for significant instrumental input. In other words, the louder the instrument the better. We enjoyed the Saxophone as much as we enjoyed the singer but at later years man and instrument competed against one another so much that we started leaving concerts with serious headaches.

Out of nowhere (actually I think from England), surfaces a person by the name of Mulatu Astatke. He was a God-sent; the right person at the right time for by then Ethiopian music was in real bad shape. The greats like Sahle Degago had retired or passed away and there was no musical godfather left to fill the vacuum. It was also time for Ethiopian music to get a shot in the arm, to move to the next level, to add new and fresh flavors in order to meet the changing taste of people and time. In short, Ethiopian music was yearning for a renaissance.

I remember like it was yesterday when Mulatu first appeared on Ethiopian TV attired in Harambee shirt, surrounded by African/Caribbean drums and funky xylophone, totally strange equipments in the Ethiopian musical landscape. As much as I wanted to consider myself receptive to new ideas, I was kind of skeptical towards his attempt of fusing the tunes that I grew up listening to with African/Caribbean/Jazz flavors.

My fear and initial skepticism quickly evaporated for the guy instantly proved to his audience that his compositions were well thought after, that he was very sensitive to the preservation of the innate virtues of Ethiopian musical traditions, and that he, as a matter of fact, was actually going to acquaint us with our own tunes to which we had very little or no exposure. Along came the incredible beats and costumes from Wollaita, Gofa, Janjero and many others. He proved to us that man and instrument don’t have to compete against one another and that they can actually work in harmony complementing each other’s role. With great humility and skill, he integrated musical geniuses like Tilahun Gessese into the new era of music. He encouraged and tutored young musicians who started to adopt Mulatu’s creative ways adding their own twists. This one man took Ethiopian music to new highs, to greater sophistication.

I have no doubt that Mulatu Astatke is a household name in Ethiopia as he is in the musical circles of London. I do not, however, believe that we have a full understanding of his legacy and the impact he made on the Ethiopian musical landscape. His worth as a musical personality of global proportion is demonstrated once again in his being selected to provide funky sound track for the currently popular movie “Broken Flower” featuring mega actors like Sharon Stone and Bill Murray.

Way to go Mulatu! We are ever indebted to you!

Ethiopia’s Political Parties- What really is wrong with them?
Kuchiye: February 8, 2006

All of us have pondered over the malaise of Ethiopia’s political parties. Over why they have not been able to deliver despite the thirty-something years of support poured into them, despite the opportune political moments they could have seized to alter the turn of events and despite a conducive international climate that champions democratic governance and the rule of law.

Let's face it; first and foremost we are products of our upbringing. Our cultures and traditions have medieval roots and quite naturally leaders embrace visible elements of medieval management behavior, whether in a household or at the helm of government. Unfortunately, this tendency seems more pronounced on leaders who are not so blessed with the opportunity of higher education. These leaders are all-knowing, they will be quick to give you the "how dare you?" stare, they will surround themselves with cronies, they will avert and isolate people with higher intellect, they will be more at ease in the comfort zone of the status quo, they lack the intellectual prowess to explore and manage paradigm shifts, they often display a siege mentality bordering paranoia thinking everybody is out to get them and most importantly they would rather perish defending the position they always espouse rather than embrace change.

It will not be outrageous to assert that most of the political parties or their leaders are products of the baby-boomer generation that swore Marxism-Leninism is one progressive world outlook to rid Ethiopia of its ills. As the parties organized themselves they combined the worst of the communist and the medieval traits of management. Truly, that had disaster written all over it. Because of their inherently archaic organization structure the parties failed to adapt to changing international conditions, they failed to prove in pronouncements and in deeds that they are parties of the 21st century, they failed to impress their own countrymen being unable to enhance membership, they were not eloquent enough to gain the respect of the international community and be considered a viable alternative to the current government.

All this said, one couldn’t fail to observe a trend that is developing quietly but surely. Whilst the stars of EPRDF, which was initially able to impress the international community that it is a dynamic organization committed to bringing good governance and democracy in Ethiopia are falling, those of the opposition parties’ are rising. This set of circumstance is a result of TPLF shooting itself in the foot and the opposition group doing a somewhat better job.

I will attempt to shade some light on what should be a priority task to usher in dynamism and result-oriented operation. I would even take CUDP America as my point of reference for convenience's sake. For all practical purposes, CUDP's America chapter can be considered the strongest arm of the party outside of Ethiopia. CUDP America operates in a free environment that also happens to be the center of global politics. It has access to the powers that shape the all-important American policy on Ethiopia, and is nurtured by a politically and financially committed community. As such, expecting management excellence and visionary leadership is not only fair but also just.

For starters, CUDP America should be run like any modern organization. Its structure could be modeled after any successful American company with similar mission. There is nothing wrong in emulating success and surely there is no virtue in hanging on to a system that has failed to deliver to the satisfaction of stakeholders. There should be a deliberate effort to inculcate a management culture that strives for excellence starting from the mundane task of conducting meetings to the grander mission of putting together a well-rounded political and diplomatic strategy. Key to this effort lies in deploying the services of qualified professionals at both line and advisory levels and in trusting their judgment.

Every department should have a written mission statement, description of tasks and responsibilities and an action plan against which performance will be evaluated on monthly bases.
An ideal starting point for the drive to management excellence will be the Washington DC chapter where a model branch operation can be built. Depending on the success, and there is no reason why it should not be successful, all other chapters will adopt the DC model taking their peculiar conditions into consideration.

Essentially, a party’s ultimate success is measured by the size and quality of members it is able to enroll. In turn, success in enrolment is a function of the party’s ability to sell its program, the quality of its leadership, the overall impression it creates being proactive, the efficacy it displays in managing crisis etc. In short success is a product of management excellence. If enrollment is stagnant, or if it is growing at a dismal pace one has reason to conclude that the management in place is inadequate and that change is overdue.

An opportunity that could propel CUD America into yet another chapter is at hand when it conducts new elections in May 2006. This opportunity should be used to demonstrate to the world that it is a party of the 21st century, that it is forward looking dynamic and democratic, that May 2006 will be a landmark in terms of committing to organizational and management excellence.


All who mean well for their country, for freedom, for democracy and for a united and prosperous Ethiopia should step up to help CUD in the transformation effort. I will certainly do my part.